In
commemoration of the 35th anniversary of the Battle
of the Bogside, and the upcoming 10th anniversary of
the IRA ceasefire, I would like to add my thoughts to the
growing commentary from both sides of the sectarian divide on
the state of the current peace process:
The
IRA's unilateral ceasefire in August 1994 signaled a decisive
move away from previous fundamentalist demands. This point
cannot be overemphasized, as the existence of the conflict from
the beginning was largely a result of clashing fundamentalist
beliefs on national self determination. A willingness to bend
these fundamentalist beliefs by way of the 1994 ceasefire
indicated the first significant step by republicans in the
direction toward compromise - compromise that has not been met
in kind by loyalists or their counterparts on the British
mainland.
Ten
years on and the blame for the current political impasse
continues to fall in the laps of republicans. Of the numerous
paramilitary organizations in Ireland, the IRA was the first
group to lay down their arms and call a ceasefire, and the IRA
has been the only paramilitary organization to decommission
significant numbers of weapons, under the supervision of the
International Monitoring Commission. In two historical
incidents, the IRA allowed weapons inspectors access to large
arms dumps to verify that the weapons had not been used, with
significant numbers of said weapons being put beyond use. IRA
leadership has announced that another act of completion will
take place under the supervision of General de Chastelain, with
unionist representatives present, in the coming weeks ahead of
the September summit. That equivalent acts of completion are not
being required of the still heavily armed loyalist paramilitary
organizations speaks to the lunacy of this situation. When
unionist politicians say they want an end to paramilitarism,
they clearly do not mean that they want the gun removed from
Irish politics - they only want the removal of the IRA, while
the loyalists remain armed and ready.
How
can nationalists be expected to trust a police force that
remains predominantly loyalist, and as we have seen in the past
month, not only allows disgusting displays of paramilitary and
sectarian triumphalism to take place, but works to incite and
defend such actions? How can peace ever come when only one group
of people are required to lay down their arms while their
oppressors remain armed to the teeth?
Nearly
a decade after the end of the war on the ground, and 35 years
since the deployment of British troops to Ireland during the
Battle of the Bogside, the British army have nearly twice as
many troops stationed in the North as they have stationed in
Iraq. According to a report by the IMC released earlier this
year, loyalist paramilitaries are significantly more militarily
active than any republican organization. Evidence of collusion
between the British crowned forces and loyalist paramilitary
organizations in attacks against innocent non-combatant
nationalists continue to surface on an alarmingly frequent
basis, yet the onus for peace is still placed solely at the
doorstep of the republicans as if they bear the entire
responsibility for the hardships the island has endured.
The
purpose of the IRA ceasefire a decade ago was to create the
conditions necessary for the success of the peace talks that
eventually culminated into the Good Friday Agreement. This move
was unprecedented, and is by far the most significant piece of
evidence pointing to the clear commitment republicans have to
achieving a peaceful resolution to the conflict. The Agreement
was reached in the spring of 1998, and indicated a move for all
parties to compromise to make peace on the island. The
Agreement, had it been implemented in full before now, could
have led to the conditions necessary for the disbandment of the
IRA long ago. The loyalists and British chose not to abide by
the wishes of the people, and we are still sitting here, ten
years after what should have been the “beginning of the end,”
trying to find solutions to problems that should have been
solved long ago. The fact that the IRA would now be a subject
for history books had the British and unionist politicians
worked within the Agreement according to the desires of the
people in the first place makes each year of continued political
impasse that much more unnerving.
The
Agreement is not something that was imposed on the people of
Ireland against their will by politicians. In two separate
referenda in May 1998 the citizens of both the Republic of
Ireland and the occupied six counties of the North voted
overwhelmingly in favor of the Agreement as the way toward
peace. The loyalists have cited the consent principle for
decades claiming it is for the people of Ireland to decide their
fate, yet when the people have spoken through the ballot box
they do not seem to be heard.
Because of the ongoing trend in unionism of using the IRA as a
red herring for the true reasons behind unionist refusal to
compromise, Gerry Adams recently called on republicans to
prepare to remove the IRA as a unionist excuse for refusing to
negotiate and work within the Agreement. If the IRA disbanded
tomorrow, unionists would find some other excuse to refuse to
deal with republicans as equals. As I have said jokingly to many
of my fellow activists, the next excuse will likely be a dislike
of the color of Martin McGuinness' ties, because legitimate
excuses vanished long ago. But have no fear - unionists have
made careers out of finding ways to prevent equality for
decades, and will likely continue to try. Our job is to make
sure they are not successful.
The
crux of the problem 35 years after the Battle of the Bogside and
the beginning of the civil rights movement in Ireland remains
that while Sinn Fein has a clear objective for the future and a
well organized outline for a peaceful country of equals,
regardless of one's political affiliation or religion, the fact
remains that unionists have no stated goals other than to
continue their long held tradition of attempting to fight
against the reality that nationalists refuse to be treated as
second class citizens. At some point these unionists will be
viewed as the Irish equivalent of many of my former
acquaintances in Alabama who still have a death grip on their
confederate flags, proudly displaying bumper stickers bearing
slogans such as "The South will rise again", and "If I had
known it would be like this I would have picked my own cotton."
No one takes them seriously, of course, and they are allowed to
live peacefully in their delusional worlds where they reign
racially supreme. One day those who hold fast to the nefarious
tradition of treating nationalists as second class citizens will
suffer the same fate, clutching their union jacks just as the
old KKK boys and neo-Nazi wannabees of my generation cling to
their stars and bars. That will be fine with me, as long as ten
years from now they are doing it in a united Ireland where no
one is second class.